Sectarian, Corrupted Mafias lurk Abdul-Mahdi’s Government

By Dr. Abdul Nasser al-Mahdawi

Councilor of New Iraq Centre

The observer of the Iraqi political field cannot close his eyes to some facts including:

-Whoever ruled Iraq, after the occupation and until now, led it into a state of decay and destruction. Thus, accusations have been made against all figures of the political field.

– Abadi’s government was relatively the only different phase, a government that represented a turning point in some attitudes. It approved many legislations that serve the Iraqi exclusive sectarian project. However, it achieves many security goals: relative stability, liberation of cities from ISIS dominance and fighting terrorism. But Sunni Arabs crisis was a consequence of the war and terrorist operations.

-Southern provinces, Basra, Baghdad, media forums and the political field witnessed a popular movement against corruption and Iraqi corrupted rulers who led it to more destruction in the after occupation phase, a phase where sectarian system dominated the administrative, political and security arena.

-The Najaf Marji adopted the viewpoint of the demonstrators and asserted the necessity to change the ruling figures and stop the policy of the ruler that led corruption to spread. The influence of the Marji on the Iraqi street and rulers is well known, an influence that enables it to change.

Iraqi Dawa Party is the most responsible side for the failure of all state institutions. Its rule led to excluding other factions especially Sunni Arabs from the political operation, the widespread of illegal weapons, terrorism and corruption.

-The Iraqi Sunni faction is the faction that suffered the most from political targeting, arbitrary detention, killing and terrorism. Their displacement and immigration led most of the society factions to renounce the political operation; rather some of them hold the political operation responsible for all their dilemmas and ordeals. The Sunni Arabs renounce the 2018 elections. However it was a public dilemma of the Iraqi society with all its provinces and factions.

-The 2018 Elections is considered the last station that put Iraq on the line. It has either to recycle the previous governments and fall in an endless landfill, or raise hopes of the state reforms and meet the demands of the social political movement that broke out across Southern Iraq after the burning of the North (if I put the word accurately). Even Kurdistan region suffered the widespread of chaos in north and south Iraqi provinces.

-This is the worst elections of Iraq. It faced accusations of fraud and enforcement of unsuitable choices for social construction on villages and big cities, in addition to the lowest turnout. According to observers, the turnout rate, declared to be 40%, wasn’t really more than 20%. Winners’ speeches disclosed the low turnout rate.

-The Sunni Arabs are considered the weakest fraction participating in the elections. Most of the members of their society are either displaced and emigrants or accused of terrorism and corruption. Moreover, the Sunni Arab society is divided between participating and boycotting the political operation.

-Thus, the great figures and leaders of the Sunni Arab society didn’t participate in the political operation. A fact that pleased the corrupted group that used the political money to get membership of the parliament. According to the members of the other blocs, dispute on the post of the president of the Iraqi parliament took place in shameful atmosphere of buy and sell deals like the case of the parliamentary member Magda al-Tamimi.

-Hence, neither Al-Mehwar Al-Watani nor any other coalition is considered a real representative of the Sunni Arab society. Some of its members are loyal and sincere but the corruption stream is more powerful. The Iraqi society doesn’t need representatives of its factions; rather it is proud of whoever reforms the political system and turns the ‘fraction’ country into a real citizenship one where everyone has equal chances and duties regardless of his ethnic or doctrinal background.

– Results of the elections, despite many suspicions, were different from those of the last three elections. Because of the public movement asking for reform, there was no need of a big block especially that the winning coalitions introduced blocks of previous leaders for the political operation. The public movement in Basra and southern provinces, in addition to the attitude of the Marji and his conditions, and Sairoon the first winner of the election prevented the sectarians, the corrupted, and previous officials from participation in the government formation.

– Well known politician, Adel abdul-Mahdi, who has clear vision, was designated to form the government according to reform criteria and without taking sides of regional and international actors who had complicated the scene under the American-Iranian conflict in Iraq.

– Designation of Abdul-Mahdi as prime minister and Barham Salih as president is different from the previous traditional choice of the international and regional actors of a big bloc that reflected the view of the people and not the state or its politicians.

While I am writing these words in the morning of the 24th of Octobre 2018, a powerful parliamentary movement is trying to obstruct the powerful will of reform and find a way to bring back the corrupted figures who were prevented from the public posts. Dawa party, that lost the prime minister’s post, is secretly leading a political movement. A Sunni member of Al-Mehwar coalition in the parliament leads a campaign to have the parliamentary approval on a secret ballot on Abdul-Mahdi’s new cabinet. What is the goal of the ballot? The answer according to Hamad al-Musawi parliamentary member of Fatah Coalition is that Dawa party leads a movement to make Abdul-Mahdi’s task fail, it adopts the idea of the parliamentary secret ballot on the cabinet to achieve its aim.

Al-Musawi, one of the leaders of Badr Organization, says that Dawa party believes that the failure of Abdul-Mahdi, candidate of Fatah and sairoon will pave the way to designate Haidar al-Abadi, head of Al-Nasr coalition list that comes third in last May elections. He explained that the secret ballot could turn all agreements between the different parliamentary powers and Abdul-Mahdi upside down. He warned of the plan of the disapproval of Abdul-Mahdi’s cabinet. He added that severe disputes between Sunni powers and Abdul-Mahdi on his refusal to have the current parliamentary members in his cabinet, disputes that could lead to disapproval of the cabinet.

Mohammed Naser al-Karbouli, secretary general of Al-Hal party, asserted Al-Musawi’s words in the televised program “Frankly” on the Degla channel two days ago. He spoke about the return of shares of the government formation secretly. He asserted that more than 130 parliamentary members will not approve Abdul-Mahdi’s cabinet which he described as “weak”. Strangely enough, he declared that some of the Sunni parliamentary members, including him, are ready to resign provided that who takes over, builds Iraq and offers good public services.

This intention is asserted by the rumors that Al-Mehwar Al-watani will withdraw from the construction coalition. On the 24 th of October, Ahmad al-Habouri, head of Al-Mehwar coalition, denied the withdrawal that was reported in some social media and news agencies. He asserted that the state construction needs the participation of all sides and Al-Mehwar is an important part of the construction coalition and false news will make them stick more to their decisions. Their main objectives of the coalition are: formation of a powerful government that works for the welfare of the people and maintains the wealth of the country, participation in the state construction and strengthening political mutual understanding. They are great words if they have the credibility. If they are for public consumption, tomorrow witnesses where the Iraqis will put such figures?

 

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